Suchergebnisse

Introduces a discussion that assesses the legacy & commemorates the tenth anniversary of the student movement that began in Beijing in March 1989 & was repressed by military force on June 4. Three of the leaders -- Wang Dan, Wang Chaohua, & Li Minqi -- leaders of the June 4th Movement -- are introduced. Twenty questions are presented to the three discussants. The discussion was held at Harvard University on February 21 & moderated by Lee Ou-fan Lee, Professor in the Department of East Asian Languages & Civilizations. R. Rodriguez

Starting with the premise that it is possible to say something significantly new about the 1960s and the New Left, the contributors to this volume trace the social roots, the various paths, and the legacies of the movement that set out to change America. As members of a younger generation of scholars, none of them (apart from Paul Buhle) has first-hand knowledge of the era. Their perspective as non-participants enables them to offer fresh interpretations of the regional and ideological differences that have been obscured in the standard histories and memoirs of the period. Reflecting the diver

The American New Left is actually part of an international political tendency. Despite differences in form, student movements of the 1960's in the United States, West Europe, and Japan share common concerns: rejection of both capitalism and bureaucratic communism, anti-imperialism, and an activist orientation, violent or nonviolent. The main intel lectual emphases of the American New Left appear to be anti- scholasticism, utopianism, and activism, as is illustrated in representative works by two authors whose ideas have greatly influenced the New Left: C. Wright Mills and Howard Zinn. The single most characteristic element in the thought-world of the New Left is the existential commitment to action, in the knowledge that the consequence of action can never be fully predicted; this commitment has survived all changes in political fashion. More concretely, the members of the New Left condemn existing American society as "corporate liberal ism," and seek to replace it with "participatory democracy." American New Left theorists, however, made the implicit assumption that the United States would not turn toward overt authoritarianism, overlooking the possibility that their own success in unmasking "corporate liberalism" would change the character of the situation and force the Establishment to feel a need for more vigorous controls. The New Left's assessment of American reality was, in this sense, not too negative, but too hopeful. The prospect is not bright, but the trend toward repression does not necessarily mean the end of the New Left. Its origins go back to the thought and action of resistance against the fascism of the 1930's and 1940's. Therefore, the spirit of resistance, perhaps even, possibly, of nonviolent resistance, may yet rise to the occasion.—Ed.

The Amer New Left is seen as part of an internat'l pol'al tendency. Despite diff's in form, student movements of the 1960's in the US, West Europe, & Japan share common concerns: violent or nonviolent rejection of both capitalism & bur'tic communism, anti-imperialism & an activist orientation. The main intellectual emphases of the Amer New Left appear to be anti-scholasticism, utopianism, & activism, as is illustrated in representative works by 2 authors whose ideas have greatly influenced the New Left: C. Wright Mills & Howard Zinn. The single most characteristic element in the thought of the New Left is the existential commitment to action, in the knowledge that the consequence of action can never be fully predicted; this commitment has survived all changes in pol'al fashion within the New Left. The members of the New Left condemn existing Amer society as 'corporate liberalism' & seek to replace it with 'participatory democracy.' They feel that the work of transforming society requires such tools as insurrectionary violence & dogmatic Marxist & Bolshevik forms of org. This reflects a weakness in the New Left's central concept of corporate liberalism. The theorists of corporate liberalism believe that their main enemy is not the reactionary Right, but the liberal center. This attitude may be compared to that of the German Communist party in the early 1930's which was more hostile toward the Soc Democrats than toward the Nazis. Amer New Left theory assumes that capitalism in the US would not turn to overt authoritarianism. It assesses Amer reality too hopefully. The prospect is not bright, but the trend toward rigorous repression does not necessarily mean the end of the New Left. Its origins go back to the thought & action of resistance against the fascism of the 1930's & 1940's. The spirit of resistance, & even possibly of nonviolent resistance, may yet rise to the occasion. Modified HA.